VOICES RISING

YEAR III - VOL 3. Nº131

March 11, 2005

CONTENT

1.- SEVENTH REPORT

2.- STATEMENT FROM WICEJ MEMBERS ON THE URGENT NEED FOR THE CSW TO ADOPT AN INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH TO WOMEN'S EQUALITY
3.- ORAL INTERVENTION TO THE 49TH SESSION OF THE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN

4.- FUNDS DRY UP FOR WOMEN'S RIGHTS

………………………………………………………………………………

1.- SEVENTH REPORT

By Alejandra Scampini and Fanny Gómez
REPEM/DAWN


Translated by Marcela Hernández (ICAE/GEO)

Monday, March 7

The BPFA Follow-up Committee of Latin America and the Caribbean organized with UNIFEM an interesting and unpostponable debate on the UN Reform. Ximena Machicao, opened the discussion asking panelists to link the UN Reform with the Millennium Development Goals process and the UN Security Council, within the framework of the CSW.

Line Bareiro, from AFM (Marcosur Feminist Association), focused on the official agenda of the Security Council, warning that already in the MDG process in September, the debate on security shall be held. She recalled that we are in a very complicated field where there is a decline in citizens’ human rights, although they are recognized, there are no conditions to guarantee them. The global context appears marked by fundamentalisms, militarism and neoliberal globalization that constitute obstacles for the exercise of human rights.

We ask ourselves, in this scenario, can the UN become a space for global governance?

There seems to be consensus among participants, regarding the support of a reformed, rejuvenated and more democratic UN, with pluralism but with equal rights, equality between men and women, secularity and autonomy, in view of global economic organizations such as the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO.

The meeting of the Security Council will apparently limit to a reform of the organization, but we ask ourselves, from which power coalition is this reform going to be presented and if basic rights are going to prevail, something that does not happen neither with the WTO nor with the council itself. Besides, how are we going to ensure that there are more opportunities for the participation of civil society organizations, particularly women’s organizations, and that new exclusions are avoided ?  This is a very relevant question in view of the events that have taken place this week. .


Susana Chiarotti, from CLADEM, made an interesting summary on the reinforcement process of the relationships between governments and civil society during the last 10 years, remarking that civil society has been occupying more and more spaces and has improved its capacity to exert influence, but, unfortunately participation has started to decline in terms of quality and quantity. She underlined that we should pay attention to the document entitled: “We, the people, the civil society, the United Nations and global governance”. This is a report done by the group of eminent people in charge of studying the relationship between the United Nations and Civil Society, well-known as the “Cardozo report”.

Although the report was elaborated with the help of people from the government, NGOs, ecologist movements, feminists and thinkers such as Manuel Castells, there is a strong trend towards the participation of the private sector. The report presents many recommendations, among which we highlight the need to increase the number of members at the Security Council, to establish decision-making mechanisms regardless of the amount of the contributions made by the countries to the UN, the need to pay more attention to national internal processes so that what is said at global level, can have a bigger impact at national level, more work with national members of parliament and to establish more efficient mechanisms for the accreditation of civil society organizations.

What is upsetting is that the Cardozo report does not focus or link systemic issues (debt, foreign trade, assistance for development, capital mobilization), threats or vulnerabilities caused by multilateral, transnational corporations.

Gigi Francisco, IGTN/DAWN, expressed her concern in view of the fact that women’s and feminist movement have barely dealt with the issue of the UN Reform. Some of them are participating in the “Reclaim our UN” process, within the framework of WSF, but they are still few. She pointed out that the anti-terrorist agenda had taken the discourse and UN Reform process. Undoubtedly, security is important, but Gigi challenges us to raise the fact that the concept of security is in a continuous process of expansion and elaboration, and to link this agenda with that of the Millennium Development Goals, because this process has a key position within the UN debate. Regarding the Millennium Development Goals, it is true that they provide goals for governments, but they will not be useful to measure changes in poverty reduction. Everybody is talking about the limited scope of the MDGs and they are even talking about MDG + ????

Looking at the report of Task Force on goal nº 3 (gender equity and women’s empowerment) we can feel satisfied if it looks broader since the creation of new indicators, but there is not a good link between goal nº 8 and the other 7 goals, this is a key aspect.


Gigi states that the reform is good but countries seem to have no political will and they are afraid of changes. What has happened at the CSW is an evidence of this.

 
Finally, Lisa Peletti, from La Tavolla de la Pace, presents the call for a global mobilization day against poverty, war and unilateralism, on
September 10, 2005, previously to the meeting of UN Heads of States. This call was approved by more than 140 organizations that attended the “Reclaim our UN” seminar, within the framework of WSF, in Porto Alegre, 2005

In her analysis about the present context, where poverty is increasing, where women receive 1% of the world wealth and war has increased, she asks:


Who knows, better than women, about the consequences of the increase in poverty,  war, the gap between rich and poor, the ignorance about Human Rights and International Law? In a passionate way, she called us to think about the future of the United Nations and security that can only be considered from a perspective of collective human security, that constitutes the basis and support of peace around the world, but with an approach that fully guarantees rights.   

Lisa asks, why doesn’t Kofi Annan, want to listen to the anti-racist, ecologist, the right to land, water, labour, feminist movements ... in a word, the emerging movements? These movements gathered at WSF, shared their analysis about what is happening in the world at present and if the UN can be the institution that is able to resolve this. Finally, participants are convened to join this discussion group and the “Call for Global Action for September 10” through the following e-mail address:  internacional@peacepoint.org


Yesterday, it started to snow again.
 

*******************************************************
2.- STATEMENT FROM WICEJ MEMBERS ON THE URGENT NEED FOR THE CSW TO ADOPT AN INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH TO WOMEN'S EQUALITY

Carol Barton
cbarton@nyc.rr.com


We reaffirm Beijing Platform for Action, the outcome document of
Beijing+5, "Women in 21st Century: Peace, equality and Development" and the 2001 World Conference on Racism (WCAR).  The WCAR took an important step in advancing an understanding that multiple forms of discrimination impact women differently, and "can lead to deterioration in their living conditions,
poverty, violence and the limitation or denial of their human rights"(Durban Declaration para. 69).  We consider this a critical addition to our understanding of women's human rights and women's equality, as framed in the BPFA and Beijing+5, which must be incorporated into the advocacy and policy of governments, multi-lateral agencies, and civil society.
We applaud the women who have worked consistently to put the concerns of women who experience multiple oppressions at the center of the UN agenda. We are deeply concerned that the issue of women's multiple oppressions has been sidelined in deliberations at the 49th CSW, which commemorates
Beijing+10. Women who face barriers created by the intersection of race, ethnicity,
caste, class, gender, ability, age, national origin, citizenship status and sexual orientation, are among the poorest of the poor and the most sexually and economically exploited.
Shifting the focus away from their conditions will thwart all efforts to eradicate poverty and achieve equality for all women. We therefore urge that commitments to implement the Beijing Platform for Action and
Cairo include the insights and commitments made by governments in Durban.  Further, we urge that the Millennium Development Goals be understood as part of broader commitments that nations have made to the Beijing Platform for Action, Cairo, and Durban, with a strong focus on an intersectional approach to addressing women's equality world wide.

To contact WICEJ: info@wicej.org   or visit
www.wicej.org  March 9th 2005, delivered to the Linkage Caucus at the 49th session of the CSW.
**************************************************
3.- ORAL INTERVENTION TO THE 49TH SESSION OF THE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN


by Dorothy Aken’Ova on behalf of the DIVERSE SEXUALITIES CAUCUS

New York - 10 March 2005


Alejandra Sardá
asarda@iglhrc.org


Thank you Chair.  I speak to you today as a representative of the Diverse Sexualities Caucus.  My name is Dorothy Aken’Ova and I am the Executive Director of the International Centre for Reproductive Health and Sexual Rights (INCRESE), in
Nigeria.

Sexual rights belong to all of us, not just the marginalized. Rights related to sexuality are part of the spectrum of international human rights and fundamental freedoms, despite thinly veiled efforts to cast them as ”new rights”.  The human rights paradigm is an evolving discourse which rests on interpretations that are fueled by global social movements and ever-changing political landscapes. We all know that human rights are indivisible and they are to be enjoyed by all people. Sexuality and gender identities and expressions are not separate from other aspects of our identity such as race, gender, age, ethnicity, etc.  

Sexual rights, while inclusive of sexual orientation, also encompass bodily integrity, autonomy, privacy and choice. They are also about freedom from discrimination, coercion and violence, as noted in Paragraph 96 of the Beijing Platform. Yet, every day, people are tortured, imprisoned, and even executed when governments fail to protect these rights. States are accountable to respect, protect and fulfill the human rights of all people, regardless of whether they are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex or heterosexual.

We note with dismay that some states retain colonial laws that criminalize same-sex sexual activity and non-normative sex and gender expression.  In fact, some of these laws have been extended in the name of religion. We reject this political use of religion that enforces colonial and patriarchal values, and promotes fundamentalisms and extremism of all kinds.

Diverse forms of sexuality have existed for centuries, and social movements defending and promoting the rights of people whose sexual and gender expression do not conform to heteronormative models, exist across all regions and cultures.  These social justice movements have worked within and helped to strengthen the struggle for human rights. We note the history of the UDHR and other human rights instruments, and invoke the vision of brave and thoughtful women such as Hansa Mehta, an Indian feminist who promoted the notion that all human beings are equal in dignity and rights.

We face a troubling contradiction: on the one hand, rich and diverse global advocacy on sexual and gender diversity; and on the other, a climate of hatred and violence targeted toward marginalized groups.  Still, human rights related to sexuality remain a point of controversy in many UN discussions.  The 49th session of the CSW is no exception.  Many countries are committed to advancing sexual rights, as they have stated publicly and privately. However, unequal power relations and coercive tactics have forced this support underground, and last week jeopardized a strong consensus statement on human rights of women.

Human rights, equality, the implementation of the BPFA and the achievement of the MDGs cannot move forward whilst particular groups are stigmatized, marginalized, and subjected to discrimination and violence. In opposing coercive tactics, including the promulgation of myths and fear-mongering, we must acknowledge, embrace and celebrate the diversity of human kind.  To do less is an insult to the foundation of the UN system.

***************************************************

4.- FUNDS DRY UP FOR WOMEN'S RIGHTS


femLINKpacific:Media Initiatives for Women
femlinkpac@connect.com.fj


CSW 49, New York, March 10

Funds for women's rights dry up - By Arthur Okwemba: As delegates prepare to pack their bags after the 10 year review of the Beijing conference, one of the greatest concerns of those working to
advance the rights of women is dwindling resources."The advocacy space and programmes women have created over the years are being threatened further with falling resources at a time when they are needed most. Even the little we have is being cut further," says UNIFEM's Executive Director,
Noeleen Heyzer. The pinch is being felt at international and national level. For example while other UN agencies get budgets of over $90 million each year for their core and non-core programmes, UNIFEM received only gets about $36 million. According to Heyzer, the tight budget is making it
difficult for the organisation to implement programmes or scale up the exisiting ones at different country levels. Heyzer thinks the way forward is to raise the status of UNIFEM within the UN system so that it can have power and grounds to demand more resources. At national level, several
NGOs interviewed said that they had experienced cuts of between 30 and 40 percent over the last few years. "When we apply for funds, we are told certain gender areas are not critical. For instance, with the introduction of free primary education in
Kenya, donors are now telling us that this is an area for the government and not us," complained Judy Kanyi, from Kenya's Women Movement.The "war on terrorism" is also having detrimental effects. Funding to one women's media organisation, came to a crash after their main funder, a leading British foundation, said it had lost money on
the
New York stock exchange after the September 11 attack. Muslims women attending the Beijing plus 10 review are also complaining that massive funding by their donors in America and Europe has been cut on the pretext that their organisations are being used by terrorists. Ironically, another threat to funding is the very notion of gender mainstreaming. Many western governments that used to be staunch supporters of women's organisations, notably the conservative government in the
Netherlands, say there is no need for separate gender funds. According to Winnie Byanyima, Director for Women, Gender and Development Directorate at the African Union, "The sectors which are accessing global funding or budgetary allocation are not sufficiently aware of what gender
responsiveness means."
Both FEMNET Executive Director Lynn Muthoni Wanyeki and Byanyima, are worried that many things that go into gender mainstreaming such as research, capacity building, advocacy, policy analysis, methodology, monitoring, and evaluation, are lumped together as "gender mainstreaming". "Yet," says Muthoni, "all these require many skills and money, and hence
lumping them together is resulting in very little resources being allocated to gender programmes. "Donors say they also have constraints. A government delegate from
Sweden said they too are finding it difficult to convince their fatigued tax payers to give out money for programmes in continents like Africa. "What organisations dealing with gender issues should increasingly do is
raise resources locally or from their Diaspora living in developed countries," he said.
"What we need to do as a way forward, is to insist that those heading departments of gender account for the progress they have made in the realisation of women rights," says Byanyima....
US sex work threat: By Rosemary Okello and Arthur Okwemba
After last week's rear guard action to stall a
US amendment to the draft declaration ruling out the recognition of abortion as a right, the Bush administration has picked a fresh fight at the conference over sex work. A US representative who lobbied members of the GEM news team that he
mistakenly believed to be delegates said that his government might rethink funding to countries or organisations supporting the legalisation of prostitution.
"We believe this is dehumanising and is likely to increase trafficking of women and girls. Yet the countries that are affected are not standing with us, and that is why other actions may be taken later," said the
US representative. Some Asian countries such as Thailand have mooted the
possibility of legalising commercial sex work which thrives unregulated in their countries.
Recipients of
US aid have learned from harsh experience that Bush administration funding cuts are no hollow theat. The infamous Gag-Rule has seen many clinics that support safe abortion and post-abortion care denied funding. In Kenya, for instance, Family Planning Association of Kenya had
to close down over four clinics, denying an estimated 800 women this critical service.
The
US delegate spoke as his country mobilised governments from different countries to approve a revised draft resolution on trafficking that has been the source of much horse trading at the 10 year review of the Beijing conference over the past few days.
The original
US resolution raised the ire of many delegates because it focused heavily on women and girls who fall prey to trafficking without addressing the demand that is fuelling this new women's rights violation in rich countries.
Critics said that the
US draft, which focused heavily on supply, insinuated that trafficking is a form of prostitution and sought to use the resolution as a way of stalling any suggestions of sex work being
legalised.
The revised draft concedes that "eliminating demand, particularly for commercial sexual exploitation, is a key element to combating trafficking in women and girls."The argument advanced by those who stress that the demand side is key is that certain countries in
Europe have managed to reduce significantly trafficking of women by looking within.
"If you deal with the demand side, then supply side will have nobody to sell to the services or whatever they have," said one lobbyist. The revised resolution also makes reference to HIV/AIDS as one of the factors to be considered when dealing with criminal aspects of trafficking.
They are also proposing that exploiters be informed of the full range of causes and consequences of trafficking in women and girls. Bilateral and multilateral agreements should be pursued between countries to stop the practice.
In an informal meeting to come up with the final resolution before Friday, most countries agreed to the title of the resolution, which was changed from "reducing" to "eliminating" demand for trafficked women. Among concerns raised in the closed-door discussions are that trafficking is not only across borders but also goes on at country level; and the fact that not all forms of trafficking include sexual exploitation. The
US argued that in the majority of cases, women and girls are trafficked for
sexual exploitation. Lobbyists hope that by Friday the US will have dropped the world "sex
exploitation" and instead use the general word of "trafficking" which has a wider scope...

Girls are easy prey for teachers in schools
By Darren Taylor
A narrow gutter, steaming with an assortment of putrefying human waste, forms the pathway to Ellen Oyolo's (not her real name) shack. Inside the silver-grey sheets of corrugated iron and dull wood panels, there's no respite from the choking stench.
Little more than a year ago, she formed part of what Kenyans say has been President Mwai Kibaki's greatest achievement since he came to power in 2002: the provision of free primary school education. Its launch in 2003 saw more than a million pupils stream into schools nationwide.
Oyolo was one of them at a school near her village on the shores of
Lake
Victoria
, western Kenya. "I was happy, because I thought my only job always would be to clean and fetch water and look after my sister's babies. In school there was a picture of a doctor in a book. It made me also to want to be a doctor,"she whispered.  But her dream faded when she was
raped by a teacher and fell pregnant.
Bobby Mkangi, a lawyer at the Children's Legal Aid Network in Nairobi, says the "sudden huge influx into schools, provided teachers who were already sexual predators with a fresh supply of victims .The rural girls, especially, easily submitted to authority," because they were "completely
ignorant" of their rights.
Non-governmental organisations increasingly began to document cases of pupils being raped by their teachers, and cases of male teachers engaging in sexual relationships with female students, aged 16 years and younger.
For Kenneth Ambetsa, deputy director of the Kenya Alliance for the Advancement of Children, Oyolo's story is all too familiar.  "Some male teachers in
Kenya see having sex with their female pupils as one of the perks of the job," he said.
According to the Attorney-General's office, there were 2055 cases of rape or defilement in 2003. Statistics for last year are not available yet, but children's rights activists are certain that the figure for 2004 will be much higher, even though many rapes in
Kenya are never reported.
The activists also say that the laws are not stiff enough to punish those who perpetrate various forms of violence against children in school. "In our schools there's still a wide variety of abuse. Kids in large numbers are subjected to cruel and inhuman treatment. I'm talking about violent
rape, vicious beatings," said Mkangi.
The issue of a teacher having sex with his pupil, who subsequently falls pregnant, is often settled through "negotiation" as in Oyolo's case, Mkangi said.  "Then nothing will be reported to the police. The young girl is left with the baby and the trauma of the rape. She receives no counseling whatsoever. Many of these girls drop out of school and it's the end of their education, while the teachers who impregnated them move from school to school and the cycle of abuse continues."
Although
Kenya's Teachers Services Commission (TSC), the government body responsible for recruiting and deploying the country's teachers, disciplines educators accused of child abuse, and in some instances has dismissed them from their posts, NGOs and legal aid groups say various
authorities collude to "cover-up" many cases.   "You'll find that head teachers. Protect their colleagues. The TSC relies on the head's information to decide whether to send the teacher to a disciplinary hearing, and if the head says the man is innocent, the case often ends
just there.
And if further investigations do happen, and the head teacher is on good terms with the [government] Education Officer assigned to the case, then the cover-up is extended and there's no chance of justice. There's often also bribery involved. People, including the victims, are paid to shut
up," Ambetsa said. Campaigners, however, believe the solution lies not so much in severe prosecution of offenders, but more so in specialised training and in the "vetting" of education students before they are given the responsibility to teach the young. But for Ellen Oyolo and many other girls in
Kenya, time has frozen. They are trapped inside poverty where every day is a life of struggle, far away from the classrooms and an opportunity for an education.
………………………………………

The International Gender and Education Office (GEO) of ICAE creates

VOICES RISING

Email: voicesrising@icae.org.uy

Web: www.icae.org.uy

Tel/fax: 00 5982 401 00 06

Address: Acevedo Diaz 1600 / 1002.
11200 Montevideo, Uruguay